In 1979, Egypt made history as the first Arab country to sign a peace treaty with Israel, building on a set of two foundational documents widely referred to as the Camp David Accords. For decades, the peace between the two countries has been a cold one. Anti-Israel rhetoric has remained alarmingly high in Egypt, while people-to-people connections have been abysmally low. Nevertheless, the peace has held.

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ollowing the assassination of Hamas political chief Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran in late July, Hamas's de facto foreign minister Khaled Meshal was the presumed frontrunner in the contest for succession. In a surprising twist, Hamas elevated Gaza leader and October 7 mastermind Yahya Sinwar instead.

Snubbed and marginalized, Meshal appeared destined for irrelevance. But desperate times call for desperate measures. Last week, Meshal urged Palestinians in the West Bank to resume "attacks of self-sacrifice"—i.e., suicide bombings—against Israelis.

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Israel has two objectives in Gaza, and they haven't changed since 10/7. One is the destruction of Hamas. The other is the return of all the remaining hostages. Thus far, Israel has largely achieved its first objective. Hamas is losing the war. However, despite significant achievements on the battlefield, Israel has failed to achieve its second objective.

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The past 48 hours have been the most dramatic and consequential of any since Hamas's war against Israel began on October 7, 2023. More than that: they could reverse the momentum of this war which, until now, has been dictated by the Islamic Republic of Iran and its proxies.

Let's review the news:

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The Lebanese terrorist group Hezbollah launched an attack on northern Israel, killing 12 children and wounding scores of others on Saturday. Hezbollah initially took responsibility for the attack on the messaging app Telegram. But once the group understood what happened—and the potential military and public relations fallout that the attack would trigger—Iran's most powerful proxy attempted to deny responsibility.

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